It wants to elevate its principles to the principles of world

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When I later heard that the two comrades whod been acting as negotiators had only received the Open Letter only at the very last moment before their departure, the psychology of Radeks behaviour became clear to me. He, the wiliest of the wily, and the most unscrupulous of the unscrupulous, considering the perfidious lies and insolences which absolutely juicy couture outlet online abounded in the Open Letter, felt of course something so like shame that he shied away from having to account for himself eye to eye with the insulted and libelled. The methods which I saw practised on me in Moscow aroused my strongest aversions. Whereto I saw political sceneshifting, calculated as bluff, using flashy revolutionary resolutions to conceal the opportunistic background. Best of all Id have gone up and away again. However I decided to stay until the second delegate Comrade MergesBraunschweig, would arrive. I used the time to make studies. First I looked around Moscow, mostly without official guidance, so as to also see that which wasnt decreed to be for viewing. Then I made a long car tour to Kashira and a trip to NischnyNovgorod, Kasan Simbirsk, Samara, Saratov, Tambov, Tula, etc., thus getting to know the most important places in Central Russia. That provided an abundance of impressions more unpleasant than pleasant. Russia was suffering in all of its limbs, from every disease. But how could it have been any different! Lots was being reported but the eample of Crispien and Dittman didnt tempt me to follow suit. Whose interests would be served then?

Only the opponents of Communism. All these shortcomings and drawbacks arent, of course, any evidence against Communism. At the most against the methods and tactics employed by Russia to realise Communism. The Russian tactic is the tactic of authoritarian organisation. It has been so consistently developed and in the end carried to etremes, by the Bolsheviks to the fundamental principle of centralism that it has led to overcentralism. The Bolsheviks didnt do that out of wantonness or desire to eperiment. The revolution forced them to it. If today the representatives of German party organisations are filled with indignation and cross themselves over the dictatorial and terroristic phenomena in Russia, its easy for them to talk. Were they in the position of the Russian government. theyd have to act eactly so. Centralism is the juicy couture baby fluffy velour shoulder bag organisational principle of the bourgeoiscapitalist age. With it the bourgeois state and the capitalist economy can be built up. Not however the proletarian state and the socialist economy. They demand the council system. For the KAPDcontrary to Moscowthe revolution is no party matter, the party no authoritarian organisation from the top down, the leader no military chief, the masses no army condemned to blind obedience, the dictatorship no despotism of a ruling clique; communism no springboard for the rise of a new Soviet bourgeoisie. For the KAPD the revolution is the business of the whole proletarian class within which the communist party forms only the most mature and determined vanguard. The rise and development of the masses to political maturity of this vanguard doesnt await the tutelage of the leadership, discipline and regulation. On the contrary these methods produce in an advanced proletariat such as the German eactly the opposite result. They strangle initiatives, paralyse the revolutionary activity, impair the combativeness, reduce the personal feeling of responsibility. What counts is to trigger the initiative of the masses, to free them from authority, to develop their selfconfidence, to train them in selfactivity and thereby to raise their interest in the revolution. Every fighter must know and feel why he is fighting, what he is fighting for. Everyone must become in his consciousness a living bearer of the revolutionary struggle and creative member of the communist buildup. The necessary freedom therefore will however never be won in the coercive system of centralism, the chains of bureaucraticmilitaristic control, under the burden of a leaderdictatorship and its inevitable accompaniments arbitrariness, personality cult, authority, corruption, violence.

Therefore transformation of the partyconception into a federative communityconception on the line of councilist ideas. Therefore supercession of eternal commitments and compulsion through internal readiness and willingness. Therefore elevation of communism from the demagogic prattle of the paper cliche to the height of one of the most internally captivating and fulfilling eperiences of the whole world. The KAPD came to these of its conclusions through the simple realisation of the very obvious circumstance, that every country and every people because they have their own particular economy, social structure, traditions, maturity of the proletariat . their own particular revolutionary requirements and conditions, must also have their own revolutionary laws, methods, rhythm of development and outward appearances. Russia isnt Germany, Russian politics arent German politics, Russian revolution isnt German revolution. Lenin might demonstrate hundreds of times that the tactics of the Bolsheviks were a brilliant success in the Russian Revolutionthey wouldnt by a long way be the right tactics for the German revolution. Every attempt to force us to adopt these tactics must provoke the most decisive opposition. Moscow is making this terroristic attempt. It wants to elevate its principles to the principles of world revolution. The KAPD is its agent. It works on Russian orders and to the Russian model. It is Moscows gramophone.